With exactly two weeks to go, now is the
ideal time to revisit my overview of the major Congressional and gubernatorial
races from back in September (the original pieces can be found here, here, and here).
Thirty-four Senators are up for reelection or are retiring, along with twelve
governors and all 435 members of the House—so in the interest of space, I’ll
only spend time on those races where something fundamental has changed since
the original assessment.
The
House: Not many individual races seem
to have shifted significantly in the past two months, but there is a growing
perception among Democrats that they are, if still unlikely to win back control
of the House, at least better positioned than they were even one month ago.
Three orange guesses as to why.
As in September, Democrats look likely
to pick up several seats. And as in September, no particularly well-known
members look likely to lose their races—although longstanding incumbents like
John Mica in Florida and Freedom Caucus member Scott Garrett in New Jersey are
struggling more than expected. Again, three guesses why.
The
Senate: Back in September, I listed five
races that I viewed as the most competitive in the country (Nevada, Florida,
Pennsylvania, Ohio, and New Hampshire); along with five that had the potential
to join their ranks should circumstances change (meaning Democratic
improvements in North Carolina, Arizona, and Missouri, and Republican
improvements in Illinois and Wisconsin). Since then, Nevada, New Hampshire, and
Pennsylvania have remained virtually unchanged, with the margins for all three
in the latest RealClearPolitics polling averages less than two points. In Ohio,
Rob Portman is now leading consistently by double digits, and Democrats seem to
have all but given up on the race. And in Florida, national Democrats also seem
to have given up on the Senate seat and begun focusing on the presidential
race, as Rubio has also consistently led in the polls, albeit by a smaller
margin—although the past several surveys have also shown his lead shrinking
somewhat. Whether that trend continues through Election Day remains to be seen,
although it would still be a massive shock if he actually lost.
Of the five sleeper races, Arizona looks
to be out of reach for Democrats, as John McCain continues to put it away
despite Trump falling behind Clinton in the normally red state. The last public
poll had McCain leading his Democratic opponent by sixteen points. Missouri and
North Carolina, on the other hand, have only gotten closer in the past two
months, with surveys in both states showing races that are statistically tied.
Trump runs about even with Mitt Romney’s 2012 showing in Missouri, but about
four points behind Romney in North Carolina, and behind Senator Richard Burr by
the same amount—implying that Burr would likely be doing at least marginally
better with another candidate at the top of the ticket.
Another race has become much more
competitive since early September, as former Senator Evan Bayh made a late
announcement over the summer that he would try to reclaim his old Indiana
Senate seat for the Democrats. With Republicans defending an open seat with a
candidate who has never before held statewide office, against a former Senator
who has strong name recognition in the state, Indiana could be another state
that determines the balance of power in the Senate. Bayh has held a fairly
consistent polling lead, although it has fluctuated between one and seven
points in just the past month, and persistent charges that he hasn’t truly
lived in the state for years make come back to cost him in the end.
So, overall, control of the Senate could
tip either way, although at this point a slim Democratic majority looks most
likely.
Governors: As far as general race ratings, little has changed
over the past two months. Democrats are still certain to hold Delaware;
Republicans, North Dakota and Utah. Missouri, Indiana, New Hampshire, North
Carolina, Oregon, and Washington have all been polled fairly recently, and all
continue to display similar results: a small Democratic lead in Missouri;
larger, but still surmountable, Democratic leads in Oregon and Washington; and
extremely tight races in North Carolina and New Hampshire. There have now been
several polls conducted of Indiana since Mike Pence was chosen as Trump’s
running mate and was replaced as the Republican nominee for governor, enough to
show that John Gregg, the Democratic nominee, has benefitted the most from the
change. He has led by twelve and five points, respectively, in the last two
polls, although the race could still tighten.
Unfortunately, because of the focus on
the presidential and Senate races, only one gubernatorial poll has been
conducted in Vermont since September, and none at all in Montana or West
Virginia. That single poll showed the Republican nominee ahead by one point,
seeming to imply that my prediction that the race could be close is accurate.
But a single poll is nearly meaningless without corroboration—and there is
still no data to show whether there are similarly tight races in West Virginia
and Montana. With the attention of the major pollsters fixed on the Senate and
gubernatorial races, unfortunately, it looks like the first hard indications
will come on Election Night itself.
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