Now that the Republican primary is
effectively over and Donald Trump is the presumptive nominee, pressure is
increasing by the day for members of #NeverTrump to get in line and support the
nominee. Even some of Trump’s fiercest critics during the primary have bowed to
the pressure. But just because a person wins a primary doesn’t erase their
unfitness for office, or make attacks leveled during the primary any less true.
Here are my top five reasons why I’m still, and always will be, #NeverTrump:
1. His policy proposals. This point can actually be split into two parts.
First, we don’t actually know where Trump will stand on any given issue on any
given day. He’s shifted positions so many times, on issues from abortion to
taxes to immigration to the Supreme Court, that it’s hard to know what we’d be
getting with President Trump. Would he make Court appointments from the list he
released last Wednesday, or from the “additions” to the list he suggested on
Twitter that night? Jim Geraghty of National
Review has the Geraghty Rule, which states that “All statements from Barack
Obama come with an expiration date. All of them.” The same could easily be
applied to Donald Trump.
And
second, the positions he usually ends up on are not conservative or moderate,
but manifestly liberal, and encompass not just one or two issues but almost the
entire spectrum. He’s stood by praise of Planned Parenthood, shifted from opposing a minimum wage increase to
supporting it, and several times voiced
support for some version of a single-payer health care system. His vaunted immigration plan is nothing more than touchback amnesty, and he will not commit to standing by Israel in negotiations with the Palestinians. And his longtime support for expansive government powers of
eminent domain is anathema to every originalist
interpretation of the Constitution. Which leads us to…
2. Donald Trump is an anti-Constitutionalist. His basic policy proposals may be the easiest reasons
for conservatives to point to when opposing him, but Trump’s effective
rejection of the Constitution is the most disqualifying of his many flaws. He
has displayed hostility to the 1st Amendment, by promising to
“loosen up” libel laws and threatening the business dealings of Jeff Bezos, the
owner of the Washington Post, for
that paper’s unflattering portrayals of him; and the 5th Amendment,
by embracing an extreme liberal interpretation of governmental powers of
eminent domain.
Of
even greater concern, however, is his total disregard for our system of checks
and balances, and the idea of three coequal branches of government. Never does
he acknowledge any possible constraints on a president’s power, or even mention
the importance of the Constitution or limited government. The entire Trump
campaign is centered around himself as an individual, making America great
again through sheer force of personality. He promises to be a better manager of
the federal government, but seems not to care about shrinking it any more than
Hillary Clinton does.
3. His personal character. The examples of this are legion, but include his
numerous affairs; discussion of penis size during a nationally televised
debate; attacking a female opponent over her looks; mocking a disabled
reporter; making numerous demeaning remarks about women; and far more. This is
not behavior befitting either the office of President, or the leader of the
free world who will act as America’s representative on the world stage. How can
we as a party, or as a movement, embrace Donald Trump while rejecting Bill and
Hillary Clinton outright over similar misdeeds?
4. His embrace of conspiracy theories. Many Americans believe at least a couple conspiracy
theories, but many Americans aren’t running for president, a job where
believing certain kinds of things can adversely impact national policy. Trump
has argued that Barack Obama, Ted Cruz, and Marco Rubio were all born outside
the U.S.; stated his belief that the government was someone involved in the
9/11 attacks; and promoted the idea that Ted Cruz’s father was complicit in the
assassination of JFK. These beliefs, whether sincere or merely calculated to
gain media attention, range from simply foolish to, in the case of the charge
of a 9/11 conspiracy, actually dangerous for a President to hold, but all
severely undermine Trump’s credibility on the world stage should he win the
election.
5. He is erratic, and in general unfit for office. This final point relates back to my previous
arguments, but merits enough importance to be included on its own. Some of
Trump’s supporters, and Trump himself, have actually embraced this as a virtue,
saying it will make America less predictable and therefore better at
negotiations and fighting terrorism alike. But while it might give ISIS some
pause, it will also confuse and frustrate our allies, who need us to be firm,
trustworthy, and committed, not aimlessly drifting from one position to another
as Trump has done throughout his campaign.
And as a bonus…
6. His supporters. In general, I try to remember that people can’t choose their followers,
in politics or anywhere else. But Trump’s frequent use of racist shout-outs and
not-so-subtle acknowledgments of many supporters’ white nationalist sympathies,
as well as the presence of a cult-like devotion to him personally among many
followers, makes Trump an exception to this rule in my book. (This is a large
topic by itself, for another post.)
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