Previously, I wrote about two states
separated by hundreds of miles, Arkansas and
West Virginia,
which due to similar circumstances have experienced a dramatic shift from
Democratic to Republican control over the past two decades. The voters at the
heart of that shift are working-class whites, moderate Democratic-leaning
voters for decades who feel marginalized by an increasingly urban, liberal
national party.
But while those two states are perhaps
most emblematic of the dramatic shift, the revenge of the working class can be
felt in more subtle ways in other areas across the country—most notably
Wisconsin, the state that before 2016 had last voted for a Republican
presidential candidate in 1984.
Unlike West Virginia or Arkansas, where
the shift was rapid and didn’t allow for much time as true battleground states,
Wisconsin has generally been considered a presidential swing state for years,
even though it ultimately would support the Democrat in the end. Here are the
winning presidential margins of victory from 1992 on:
1992
|
1996
|
2000
|
2004
|
2008
|
2012
|
2016
|
Clinton +4.3
|
Clinton +10.3
|
Gore +0.2
|
Kerry +0.4
|
Obama +13.9
|
Obama +6.7
|
Trump +1.0
|
Over the past seven elections, the state
has been decided by one percentage point or less four separate times. And in
most, the winner’s margin of victory has been under ten points: Only Clinton in
1996 and Obama in 2008 managed to win a truly decisive victory, on their way to
equally solid wins nationally. But in the end, Democrats always came through,
in the state that birthed such progressive icons as Robert La Follette and Russ
Feingold. Conventional wisdom held that the polls might be close, that the final
result might be a nailbiter, but Wisconsin would always ultimately serve its
role as the cornerstone of the electoral blue wall.
Clinton was so convinced that history
would hold that she famously never visited the state during the general election. And, judging only by the
public polls, her campaign had a point—the final RealClearPolitics average had her ahead by six and a half points. The argument
that the polls were all wrong isn’t exactly true—in the end, they predicted a
narrow Clinton victory, and what we got was a narrow Trump victory (with
Clinton winning the national popular vote)—but one place they were clearly
wrong was Wisconsin.
Maybe they should have paid more
attention to state politics. In 1992, the state House of Representatives had a
narrow 51-47 Democratic majority; today, Republicans hold a commanding 64-35
majority. Republicans had a 17-16 majority in the state Senate in 1992; today that
majority is a more robust 20-12. And, in 1992, the two U.S. Senate seats were
both held by Democrats, with Russ Feingold defeating incumbent Republican Bob Kasten
by more than six points; in 2010, Feingold lost reelection by five points to
Ron Johnson, and lost a rematch to Johnson this year by a little over three
points.
These numbers might seem unremarkable
after looking at the sudden shifts experienced in Arkansas and West Virginia
over the same period. But unlike those states, whose residents tend to share
many attitudes about a variety of cultural and economic issues, Wisconsin has
always been a state deeply divided between conservative Republicans and liberal
Democrats, and even a small change in the balance of power can have deep and
lasting consequences.
After the election, Jim Geraghty at National Review posed an interesting rhetorical question, summing up the
past six years of Wisconsin politics:
“…after a victory by Trump, two
victories by Ron Johnson, three victories by Scott Walker, a persistent 5-3
split in favor of the GOP in the state’s Congressional delegation, and
consistent GOP majorities in the state House and Senate since 2010, it seems
fair to ask: Is Wisconsin now a red state?”
There was speculation, which turned into
conventional wisdom, following the GOP’s 2010 successes in the state, that it
was merely an outgrowth of momentary Tea Party anger, which would eventually
fade away. Following Scott Walker’s victories in 2012 and 2014, this became a
belief that only certain types of Republicans, like Walker himself, could win
major statewide offices consistently. Now, following wins by Walker, Johnson,
and Trump, all very different types of people, all within two years of each
other, it is apparent that the conventional wisdom will have to change once
more.
Unlike West Virginia and Arkansas,
Wisconsin is not yet a state that has shifted convincingly from one party to
another. I think it would be a mistake to consider it as anything other than a
battleground at all levels, from presidential elections on down, at least for
now. But at the very least, the days of Wisconsin being classified as a
“blue-leaning swing state” are over, or should be. Wisconsinites have now shown
a willingness to vote for Republicans of all different types, at every level.
It is time for Democrats to accept the fact that Wisconsin is a true purple
state, no different from Florida or Virginia—and they ignore working-class
white voters at their peril, lest the Badger State become the Arkansas of the
Midwest.
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