So far, I’ve looked at changes in voter
trends over time in three states, Arkansas, West Virginia,
and Wisconsin.
All three have, over the last twenty years, moved toward Republicans to some
degree—Arkansas and West Virginia dramatically so, and Wisconsin at a much
slower rate, voting Republican this year for the first time in a presidential
election since 1984. But analyses of these three states don’t paint an accurate
picture of the nation as a whole, because just as the white working class votes
increasingly Republican, so too proceeds the solidification of minority voters
behind the Democratic Party.
This opposite phenomenon, coupled with
the Democrats’ increased reliance on urban professionals can be seen in
Virginia, which has now broken with the rest of the South in voting Democrat in
the last three presidential elections. Virginia was actually, decades ago, a
trendsetter in voting Republican when much of the South was still avowedly
true. Now, the opposite is occurring.
This shift began quite recently; though the
Democratic ticket performed quite well in 1992 and 1996, its status as an
all-Southern ticket (Clinton from Arkansas, and Gore from Tennessee)
undoubtedly helped matters. And still, both George H. W. Bush and Bob Dole
managed to carry the state even while losing convincingly across the country.
1992
|
1996
|
2000
|
2004
|
2008
|
2012
|
2016
|
Bush +4.4
|
Dole +1.9
|
Bush +8.1
|
Bush +8.2
|
Obama +6.3
|
Obama +3.0
|
Clinton +4.9
|
Obama’s margins in 2008 and 2012 closely
mirrored his national margin of victory. But Hillary Clinton won the state by
five points this year, even as she lost the Electoral College nationally and
won the national popular vote by a little under two points.
Obviously, there is a huge caveat to the
2016 results—Clinton’s selection of Virginia Senator, and former Governor, Tim
Kaine as her running mate. Nearly all national elections work this way—the home
state results of the presidential and vice-presidential nominees can be skewed
for an election cycle, and then return to a regular pattern the following cycle
when home-state advantages disappear. But it should also be noted that Clinton
was leading Trump in Virginia state polls by a substantial margin even before
the announcement of her VP pick, and Obama also won the last two elections in
the state by solid margins, despite having no similar advantage.
Meanwhile, election results from other
state races are somewhat of a mixed bag. Control of the Congressional
delegation has seesawed back and forth since 1992, with Republicans currently
holding a 7-4 majority. Democrats control both U.S. Senate seats, although Mark
Warner barely retained his seat in 2014 by a much closer than expected 0.8%.
Gubernatorial results have also varied wildly, from back-to-back, double-digit Republican wins in
the 1990’s, to five-point Democratic victories during the Bush years, to Bob
McDonnell’s 17-point margin, his subsequent fall following an ethics investigation,
and Democrat Terry McAuliffe’s 2013 win. And in the state legislature, the
state Senate is almost evenly split, though Republicans have a commanding
advantage in the House of Representatives.
Overall, Virginia, like Wisconsin, is
narrowly balanced. Neither party can yet afford to take the state for granted
on any level. But while Wisconsin might now be considered a red-leaning purple
state (to strain the political color metaphors), Virginia could now be
classified as a blue-leaning purple state. A state where Republicans can still
excel, especially at the state level, but Democrats, even liberals, are slowly
in ascendance. Where the white working class of the Appalachians and
center-state area is still a political force to be reckoned with, but are
slowly being outnumbered by the urban and liberal suburban voters of Richmond
and the D.C. outskirts. And Virginia Republicans will be forced to reckon with
that fact even more in future elections, if the state is to remain competitive
in the long run.
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