In all of American history, has there
ever been another Supreme Court decision as infamous as Roe v. Wade? The only possible contender that comes to mind is Dred Scott v. Sandford, the 1857
decision which held that African Americans were not U.S. citizens. But that
case is obsolete now, overturned by civil war and constitutional amendment. No
one holds marches over Dred Scott,
because what would be the point?
And even among the universe of cases
still considered to be valid precedent, not one can command the level of
emotion, from both supporters and detractors, as Roe. Democrats persist in attempting to make overturning Citizens United a hot-button issue with
the electorate, but few in the general electorate could even say what was
decided in Citizens United (it held
that certain campaign finance reforms passed by Congress violated the First
Amendment’s guarantee of free speech). Likewise with Shelby County v. Holder (finding portions of the Voting Rights Act
unconstitutional). And while conservatives were angered by the Court’s twin
rulings on Obamacare, in NFIB v. Sebelius
and King v. Burwell, the cases
are hardly household names. There are no mass protests or marches on Washington
on the anniversary of the rulings.
But Roe
is different. It is the only Court decision still commemorated on the
anniversary of its ruling, by supporters and opponents alike, more than forty
years after the case was decided. Even among those who in general care nothing
for politics, the name Roe v. Wade is
well known. Supporters believe that without it, abortion would quickly be
outlawed and criminalized altogether. Opponents often believe something
similar, and therefore hope for its destruction.
The truth is a little less dramatic. A
reversal of Roe would merely allow
states wider latitude in regulating abortion. If some states wanted to ban it
altogether, that would then be permissible. But if other states wanted to
increase access to abortion, that too would be constitutional.
That being said, Roe v. Wade is undoubtedly an abomination, from both an ethical and
legal perspective. It bars any state, even an imaginary state filled only with
pro-life citizens, from regulating abortion in any significant way, let alone
outlawing it. The mountain of scientific evidence now available to us, proving
that fetuses are in fact living beings, is so overwhelming that a complete list
is nearly impossible. At the moment of conception, fetuses have unique DNA.
They have a beating heart at three weeks gestation, and unique fingerprints at ten weeks.
For perspective, many of the most
aggressive Republican proposals to ban abortion altogether, which liberals
fight tooth and nail, would forbid abortion after twenty weeks. Roe allows abortion right up through
childbirth, or, on average, roughly forty weeks after conception.
And if that weren’t enough, the legal
reasoning—or lack of it—in the Roe decision
should make even pro-choice lawyers squirm. Again, an exhaustive list is beyond
the scope of this post, although the full text of the majority opinion can be
found here.
But much of the opinion reads more like a speculative article in a medical
journal than a governing ruling of the United States Supreme Court. Twice the
author, Justice Harry Blackmun, bases his reasoning on a “right to privacy” he
openly admits appears nowhere in the explicit text or history of the
Constitution, but rather in “a certain guarantee of zones or areas of privacy”
found, among other places, in “the penumbras of the Bill of Rights…” One doesn’t
have to be a legal scholar to see that Blackmun was plainly grasping at straws,
searching for every possible scrap of evidence that could support the result he
had already decided he wanted to reach. Is it inventive? Sure. But the job of a
Supreme Court Justice is not to be inventive with the law, in order to reach a
predetermined outcome. The law should always determine the outcome.
Frustratingly, the Supreme Court came close
to eradicating this blight on its history in 1992, with the case of Planned Parenthood v. Casey. A majority
of justices seemed poised to overturn Roe,
when one of them—one Anthony Kennedy—apparently got cold feet.
Here’s hoping Neil Gorsuch, once
confirmed, will be able to keep his close friend Justice Kennedy grounded in
the actual text of the law, rather than flitting around looking for desired
outcomes. And hopefully, should Kennedy decide to retire within the next few
years (as is the rumor), President Trump will appoint someone willing to
correct the mistakes of both Kennedy in 1992, and the Court as a whole in 1972,
by helping to end the stain that is Roe
v. Wade for good.
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